Media’s Intellectual Integrity in The Trump Age

Media’s Intellectual Integrity in The Trump Age

Media’s Intellectual Integrity in The Trump Age

Bret Stephens delivered the Daniel Pearl Memorial Lecture this week at the University of California, Los Angeles.

Below is the entire text of Bret Stephens remarks, calling out President Trump’s condemnation of Fake News, as follows

I am honored to have this opportunity to celebrate the legacy of Danny Pearl, my colleague at The Wall Street Journal.

My topic this evening is intellectual integrity in the age of Donald Trump. I suspect this is a theme that would have resonated with Danny.

When you work at The Wall Street Journal, the coins of the realm are truth and trust — the latter flowing exclusively from the former. When you read a story in the Journal, you do so with the assurance that immense reportorial and editorial effort has been expended to ensure that what you read is factual.

Not probably factual. Not partially factual. Not alternatively factual. I mean fundamentally, comprehensively and exclusively factual. And therefore trustworthy.

This is how we operate. This is how Danny operated. This is how he died, losing his life in an effort to nail down a story.

In the 15 years since Danny’s death, the list of murdered journalists has grown long.

  1. Paul Klebnikov and Anna Politkovskaya in Russia.
  2. Zahra Kazemi and Sattar Behesti in Iran.
  3. Jim Foley and Steve Sotloff in Syria.
  4. Five journalists in Turkey.
  5. Twenty-six in Mexico.
  6. More than 100 in Iraq.

When we honor Danny, we honor them, too.

We do more than that.

We honor the central Idea of Journalism, the conviction, as my old boss Peter Kann once said, “that facts are facts; that they are ascertainable through honest, open-minded and diligent reporting; that truth is attainable by laying fact upon fact, much like the construction of a cathedral; and that truth is not merely in the eye of the beholder.”

And we honor the responsibility to separate truth from falsehood, which is never more important than when powerful people insist that falsehoods are truths, or that there is no such thing as truth to begin with.
So that’s the business we’re in: the business of journalism. Or, as the 45th president of the United States likes to call us, the “disgusting and corrupt media.”

Some of you may have noticed that we’re living through a period in which the executive branch of government is engaged in a systematic effort to create a climate of opinion against the news business.

The President routinely describes reporting he dislikes as FAKE NEWS. The Administration calls the press “the opposition party,” ridicules news organizations it doesn’t like as business failures, and calls for journalists to be fired. Mr. Trump has called for rewriting libel laws in order to more easily sue the press.

This isn’t unprecedented in U.S. history, though you might have to go back to the Administration of John Adams to see something quite like it. And so far the rhetorical salvos haven’t been matched by legal or regulatory action. Maybe they never will be.

But the question of what Mr. Trump might yet do by political methods against the media matters a great deal less than what he is attempting to do by ideological and philosophical methods.

Ideologically, the president is trying to depose so-called mainstream media in favor of the media he likes — Breitbart News and the rest. Another way of making this point is to say that he’s trying to substitute news for propaganda, information for boosterism.

His objection to, say, the New York Times, isn’t that there’s a liberal bias in the paper that gets in the way of its objectivity, which I think would be a fair criticism. His objection is to objectivity itself. He’s perfectly happy for the media to be disgusting and corrupt — so long as it’s on his side.

But again, that’s not all the president is doing.

Consider this recent exchange he had with Bill O’Reilly. O’Reilly asks: Is there any validity to the criticism of you that you say things that you can’t back up factually, and as the President you say there are 3-M illegal aliens who voted and you do not have the data to back that up, some people are going to say that it’s irresponsible for the President to say that.

To which the President replies: Many people have come out and said I am right.

Now many people also say Jim Morrison faked his own death. Many people say Barack Obama was born in Kenya. “Many people say” is what’s known as an argumentum ad populum.

If we were a nation of logicians, we would dismiss the argument as dumb.

We are not a nation of logicians.

I think it’s important not to dismiss the President’s reply as dumb.

We ought to assume that it is brilliant, if not in intention then certainly in effect. The President is responding to a claim of fact not by denying the fact, but by denying the claim that facts are supposed to have on an argument.

He isn’t telling Mr. O’Reilly that he’s got his facts wrong. He’s saying that, as far as he is concerned, facts, as most people understand the term, do not matter: That they are indistinguishable from, and interchangeable with, opinion; and that statements of fact needn’t have any purchase against a man who is either sufficiently powerful to ignore them or sufficiently shameless to deny them, or, in his case, both.

If some of you in this room are students of political philosophy, you know where this argument originates.

This is a version of Thrasymachus’s argument in Plato’s Republic that justice is the advantage of the stronger and that injustice “if it is on a large enough scale, is stronger, freer, and more masterly than justice.”

Substitute the words “truth” and “falsehood” for “justice” and “injustice,” and there you have the Trumpian view of the world.

If I had to sum it up in a single sentence, it would be this: Truth is what you say it is.

If you can sell condos by claiming your building is 90% occupied when it’s only 20% occupied, well, then it’s 90% occupied.

If you can convince a sufficient number of people that you really did win the popular vote, or that your inauguration crowds were the biggest, well then, nothing else matters.

Now, we could have some interesting conversations about why this is happening, and why it seems to be happening all of a sudden.

Today we have “dis-intermediating” technologies such as Twitter (NYSE:TWTR), which have cut out the media as the middleman between politicians and the public.

Today, just 17% of adults aged 18-24 read a newspaper daily, down from 42% at the turn of the 21st Century. Today there are fewer than 33,000 full-time newsroom employees, a drop from 55,000 just 20 years ago.

When President Trump attacks the news media, he is kicking a wounded, virtually down and out animal.

But the most interesting conversation is not about why Donald Trump says what he says. Many public figures lie, and he is an example of a common type.

The interesting conversation concerns how we come to accept those lies.

Nearly 25 years ago, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, the great scholar and Democratic Senator from New York, coined the phrase, “defining deviancy down.”

His topic at the time was crime, and how American society had come to accept ever-increasing rates of violent crime as normal.

“We have been re-defining deviancy so as to exempt much conduct previously stigmatized, and also quietly raising the ‘normal’ level in categories where behavior is now abnormal by any earlier standard,” Pat Moynihan wrote.

You can point to all sorts of ways in which this redefinition of deviancy has also been the story of our politics over the past 30 years, a story with a fully bi-partisan set of villains.

I personally think we crossed a Rubicon in the William Jefferson Clinton years, when 3 things happened, they were:

  1. We decided that some types of presidential lies didn’t matter
  2. We concluded that “character” was an over-rated consideration when it came to judging a President; and
  3. We allowed the lines between political culture and celebrity culture to become hopelessly blurred.

If a public figure tells a whopping lie once in his life, it will haunt him into his grave. If he lies Morning, Noon and Night, it will become almost impossible to remember anyone particular lie.

Outrage will fall victim to its own ubiquity.

It is the same truth contained in Joseph Stalin’s famous remark that the death of one man is a tragedy but the death of a million is a statistic.

One of the most interesting phenomena during the Presidential campaign was waiting for Donald Trump to say that one thing that would surely break the back of his candidacy.

Would it be his slander against Mexican immigrants?

His slur about John McCain’s record as a POW?

Or his remark  about New Jersey Muslims celebrating 9/11?

Or his attacks on Megyn Kelly, on a disabled New York Times reporter, on a Mexican-American judge?

Would it be him Tweeting quotations from Benito Mussolini, or his sly overtures to David Duke and the alt-right?

Would it be his unwavering praise of Vladimir Putin?

Would it be his refusal to release his tax returns, or the sham that seems to been perpetrated on the saps who signed up for his TrumpU courses?

Would it be the tape of him with Billy Bush?

Remember, none of this made the slightest difference. On the contrary, it helped him.

Some people became desensitized by the never-ending assaults on what was once quaintly known as “human decency.” Others seemed to positively admire the comments as refreshing examples of personal authenticity and PC (political incorrectness).

Such rhetoric will always find a receptive audience with people. Donald Trump’s was the best at it in US political history: the dirtier he got, the more his core supporters liked it.

Abraham Lincoln, in his 1st Inaugural Address, called on Americans to summon “the better angels of our nature.”

Donald Trump’s candidacy, and so far his Presidency, has been Lincoln in reverse.

Here is a simple truth about a politics of dishonesty, insult and scandal: It’s entertaining.

Politics as we have had it for most of my life has, with just a few exceptions, been distant and dull.

Now it’s all we can talk about.

If you love President Donald Trump, his presence in the White House is a daily extravaganza of sticking it to pompous elites and querulous reporters.

If you hate President Donald Trump, you wake up every day with some fresh outrage to turn over in your head and text your friends about.

Whichever way, it’s exhilarating.

Haven’t all of us noticed that everything feels speeded up, more vivid, more intense and consequential?

One of the benefits of this is that fiction can take you anywhere.

At his recent press conference, the President claimed his administration is running like a “fine-tuned machine.” But, he just lost his Labor Secretary nominee, his National Security Adviser was forced out, and the Hussein-Obama embedded Intelligence Community is refusing to fully brief him for fear he might compromise sources and methods.

But who cares?

Since when in Washington has there been a Presidential press conference like that?

At some point, it becomes increasingly easy for people to mistake the reality of the performance for reality itself. If President Trump can get through a press conference like that without showing a hint of embarrassment, remorse or misgiving, well, then, that becomes a new basis on which the President can now be judged.

To tell a lie is wrong. But to tell a lie with brass takes skill.

Ultimately, President Trump’s press conference will be judged not on some kind of Olympic point system, but on whether he “Won”—which is to say, whether he brazened his way through it. And the answer to that is Yes.

So far, I’ve offered you 3 ideas about how it is that we have come to accept the President’s behavior.

The 1st is that we normalize it, simply by becoming inured to constant repetition of the same bad behavior.

The 2nd is that at some level it excites and entertains us. By putting aside our usual moral filters—the ones that tell us that truth matters, that upright conduct matters, that things ought to be done in a certain way—we have been given tickets to a spectacle, in which all you want to do is watch.

The 3rd is that we adopt new metrics of judgment, in which politics becomes more about perceptions than performance—of how a given action is perceived as being perceived.

If a reporter for the New York Times says that President Trump’s press conference probably plays well in Peoria, then that increases the chances that it will play well in Peoria.

Let me add a fourth point here: our tendency to rationalize.

One of the more fascinating aspects of last year’s Presidential campaign was the rise of a class of pundits I call the “TrumpXplainers.”

For instance, Donald Trump would give a speech or offer an answer in a debate that amounted to little more than a word jumble.

But rather than quote Mr. Trump, or point out that what he had said was grammatically and logically nonsensical, the TrumpXplainers would tell us what he had allegedly meant to say. They became our political semioticians, ascribing pattern and meaning to the rune-stones of Mr. Trump’s mind.

If Mr. Trump said he will get Mexico to pay for The Wall, you could count on someone to provide a complex tariff scheme to make good on the promise. If Mr. Trump said that we should not have gone into Iraq but that, once there, we should have “taken the Oil,” we’d have a similarly high-flown explanation as to how we could engineer this take.

A year ago, when he was trying to explain his idea of a foreign policy to the New York Times’s David Sanger, the reporter asked him whether it didn’t amount to a kind of “America First policy”—a reference to the isolationist and anti-Semitic America First Committee that tried to prevent US entry into World War II. He liked it and that is how we got the return of America First.

More recently, I came across this headline in the conservative Washington Times: “How Trump’s ‘disarray’ may be merely a strategy,” by Wesley Pruden, the paper’s former editor-in-chief.

In his view, the President’s first disastrous month in office is, in fact, evidence of a refreshing openness to dissent, reminiscent of Washington and Lincoln’s cabinet of rivals. Sure.

Overall, the process is one in which explanation becomes rationalization, which in turn becomes justification.

President Trump says X. What he really means is Y. And while you might not like it, he’s giving voice to the angers and anxieties of Z. Who, by the way, you are not allowed to question or criticize, because anxiety and anger are their own justifications now.

Watching this process unfold has been particularly painful for me as a conservative columnist. I find myself in the awkward position of having recently become popular among some of my liberal peers—precisely because I haven’t changed my opinions about anything.

By contrast, I have become suddenly unpopular among some of my former fans on the right—again, because I’ve stuck to my views. It is almost amusing to be accused of suffering from something called “Trump Derangement Syndrome” simply because I feel an obligation to raise my voice against, say, the President suggesting a moral equivalency between the US and Vladimir Putin’s Russia.

The most painful aspect of this has been to watch people I previously considered thoughtful and principled conservatives give themselves over to a species of illiberal politics from which I once thought they were immune.

In his Y 1953 masterpiece, “The Captive Mind,” the Polish poet and dissident Czeslaw Milosz analyzed the psychological and intellectual pathways through which some of his former colleagues in Poland’s post-war Communist regime allowed themselves to be converted into ardent Stalinists. In none of the cases that Milosz analyzed was coercion the main reason for the conversion.

They wanted to believe. They were willing to adapt. They thought they could do more good from the inside. They convinced themselves that their former principles didn’t fit with the march of history, or that to hold fast to one’s beliefs was a sign of priggishness and pig-headedness. They felt that to reject the new order of things was to relegate themselves to irrelevance and oblivion. They mocked their former friends who refused to join the new order as morally vain reactionaries. They convinced themselves that, brutal and capricious as Stalinism might be, it couldn’t possibly be worse than the exploitative capitalism of the West.

I fear we are witnessing a similar process unfold among many conservative intellectuals on the right.

It has been stunning to watch a movement that once believed in the benefits of free trade and free enterprise merrily give itself over to a champion of protectionism whose economic instincts recall the corporatism of 1930’s Italy or 1950’s Argentina. It is no less stunning to watch people who once mocked Barack Obama for being too soft on Russia suddenly discover the virtues of Trump’s “pragmatism” on the subject.

And it is nothing short of amazing to watch the party of onetime moral majoritarians, who spent a decade fulminating about Bill Clinton’s sexual habits, suddenly find complete comfort with the idea that character and temperament are irrelevant qualifications for high office.

The mental pathways by which the new Trumpian conservatives have made their peace with their new political master aren’t so different from Milosz’s former colleagues.

There’s the same desire for political influence; the same belief that Trump represents a historical force to which they ought to belong; the same willingness to bend or discard principles they once considered sacred; the same fear of seeming out-of-touch with the mood of the public; the same tendency to look the other way at comments or actions that they cannot possibly justify; the same belief that you do more good by joining than by opposing; the same Manichean belief that, if Hillary R. Clinton had been elected, the United States would have all-but ended as a country.

This is supposed to be the road of pragmatism, of turning Lemons into Lemonade. I would counter that it’s the road of ignominy.

So, then, to the subject that brings me here today: Maintaining intellectual integrity in the Age of Trump.

When Judea wrote me last Summer to ask if I would be this year’s speaker, I got my copy of Danny’s collected writings, “At Home in the World,” and began to read him all over again. It brought back to me the fact that, the reason we honor Danny’s memory is not that he’s a martyred journalist. It is that he was a great journalist.

Let me show you what I mean.

Here’s something Danny wrote in February 2001, almost exactly a year before his death, from the site of an earthquake disaster in the Indian town of Anjar.

“What is India’s earthquake zone really like? It smells. It reeks. You can’t imagine the odor of several hundred bodies decaying for five days as search teams pick away at slabs of crumbled buildings in this town. Even if you’ve never smelled it before, the brain knows what it is, and orders you to get away. After a day, the nose gets stuffed up in self-defense. But the brain has registered the scent, and picks it up in innocent places: lip balm, sweet candy, stale breath, an airplane seat.”

What stands out for me in this passage is that it shows that Danny was a writer who observed with all his senses.

He saw.

He listened.

He smelled.

He bore down.

He reflected.

He understood that what the reader had to know about Anjar wasn’t a collection of statistics; it was the visceral reality of a massive human tragedy. And he was able to express all this in language that was compact, unadorned, compelling and deeply true.

George Orwell wrote, “To see what is in front of one’s nose needs a constant struggle.” Danny saw what was in front of his nose.

We each have our obligations to see what’s in front of one’s nose, whether we are reporters, columnists, or anything else.

This is the essence of intellectual integrity.

Not to look around, or beyond, or away from the facts, but to look straight at them, to recognize and call them for what they are, nothing more or less.

To see things as they are before we re-interpret them into what we’d like them to be.

To believe in an epistemology that can distinguish between truth and falsity, facts and opinions, evidence and wishes.

To defend habits of mind and institutions of society, above all a free press, which preserve that epistemology.

To hold fast to a set of intellectual standards and moral convictions that won’t waver amid changes of political fashion or tides of unfavorable opinion.

To speak the truth irrespective of what it means for our popularity or influence.

The legacy of Danny Pearl is that he died for this. We are being asked to do much less. We have no excuse not to do it.

By Bret Stephens

Source: TIME.COM

 

 

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Paul Ebeling

Paul A. Ebeling, polymath, excels in diverse fields of knowledge. Pattern Recognition Analyst in Equities, Commodities and Foreign Exchange and author of “The Red Roadmaster’s Technical Report” on the US Major Market Indices™, a highly regarded, weekly financial market letter, he is also a philosopher, issuing insights on a wide range of subjects to a following of over 250,000 cohorts. An international audience of opinion makers, business leaders, and global organizations recognizes Ebeling as an expert.

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